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| What if the life and death of the WASP Ivan Allen III teaches us a valuable truth about politics? |
That these same white people have already abandoned Detroit to black rule – and know full well the deathblow this action served to the civilization they created and sustained there – and numerous other cities to the same fate doesn’t seem to register as a “the worse the better” scenario.
But the death of major American cities and their takeover by a black political machine that works to consolidate black control of the city (putting an iron grip on public jobs and diverting lucrative contracts to a certain percentage of minority contractors/suppliers) has happened across the nation. Worse, white people in places like Birmingham, Memphis, Baltimore, and Atlanta not only fled these cities, but have acclimated themselves to black political control.
It was reading Where Peachtree Meets Sweet Auburn: A Saga of Race and Family
by Gary M. Pomerantz that – to me - the notion of “the worse the better” lost all applicability to our current situation.
by Gary M. Pomerantz that – to me - the notion of “the worse the better” lost all applicability to our current situation.
Pomerantz book tells the story of two influential Atlanta families: one that produced Ivan Allen Jr., the white mayor of Atlanta who capitulated control of the city to black rule; and Maynard Jackson, the first black major of Atlanta, who took that political control and turned it into a weapon to enrich blacks.
The Disingenuous White Liberals (DWL) in Atlanta would applaud Allen Jr. as a racial progressive for his surrendering the city to black-rule; they would cherish Jackson (and his legacy) as a bulwark of change who ushered in an era of stability and economic growth.
Allen’s son, Ivan Allen III, was president of the Atlanta Chamber of Commerce when Jackson was elected mayor. He would plead with white business owners - whose investments in downtown were seeing significant losses as the lethal combination of black political control and white flight occurred – to get behind Jackson and accept black control of the city (p. 456):
“It will do no good to wait for a white knight on a silver charger to rescue us from reality,” he said. “The challenge, indeed the absolute necessity, will be or us to establish better communications and to obtain more, not less, input into the decision making process as it now exists.”
To those who would sit and carp and complain because things aren’t as they were, I say that things will never as they were for change is constant.”
His successors on the Atlanta Chamber of Commerce would be instrumental in covering up the almost all-black Atlanta Public Schools (APS) cheating fiasco, an act that symbolizes what happens when white commercial interests are usurped by black political control: never give credence to white racists claims that blacks are incapable of self-government.
Ivan Allen III wasn’t his father, nor did he allow his fathers legacy as a racial progressive who saved Atlanta from the fate of Birmingham by peacefully paving the way for black political control to write his ticket to a life of DWL luxury (it should be noted that Ivan Allen Jr.'s great legacy is his name is attached to the Ivan Allen Jr. Prize for Social Courage, which "is awarded in honor of Ivan Allen Jr. who was a pivotal leader during America's struggle for racial integration during the 1960's. As mayor of Atlanta, he risked his place in society, his political future, and ultimately his life to testify before Congress in support of what became the Civil Rights Act of 1964."). There is no glory in what Ivan Allen Jr. did, though his act of presiding over the capitulation of power to Black-Run America (BRA) will be honored in perpetuity.
Ivan Allen III would commit suicide in 1992; the son of one of Atlanta’s most distinguished White Anglo Saxon Protestant (WASP) families – who had been considered a potential “white knight” by the black establishment that might try and take City Hall back at some point – would remain silent about the legacy of his family (p. 524):
In an interview conducted the year before his death, Ivan III was asked about his famous name. “ I really don’t want to talk about that,” he said. His reason: “Because I never have.”
“What did Ivan mean by that?” the old mayor (Ivan Allen Jr., one of the last white mayors of Atlanta) asked when his son’s response was related to him months after the funeral.
Searching for his own answers, Ivan Jr. came to believe that the city – and its people – had refused to let his son escape its clutches.
It should be known that back in the 1970s, when Atlanta was experiencing white flight and nearly becoming a city that was 3/4ths black, close friends of Ivan Allen Jr. asked him of his son’s political aspirations. Would he dare be a Great White Hope who stood as the white establishments champion in the face of a future dominated by black political control? “No,” he said (p. 450):
“There is no way to defeat the black vote. I don’t care how liberal or well respected or what name you carry, it’s not going to get you in office. No white man is going to run [and win] against the black ticket.”
This admission from the man who was instrumental in paving the road for black control of the city of Atlanta… is telling of the power of black solidarity and, more importantly, the realization that what you individually do to uplift black people, they will always turn on you when the favors stop.
In 2009, when it appeared that the black vise on City Hall in Atlanta might come to an end, the Black Leadership Forum published a memo that argued black people should unite around a single candidate to ensure control of the city went uninterrupted.
But it is an anecdote from 1981, found in Where Peachtree Meets Sweet Auburn, that the reality of what Black-Run America (BRA) has done to white people – and those hoping for a “the worse the better” scenario – came crashing home.
A run-off for Maynard Jackson’s vacant “mayors” seat was to be held, with the black Andrew Young only a few percentage points ahead of white challenger Sidney Marcus. With black people hovering around 70 percent of the city’s population, Marcus would need some black support to win and these black supporters were spreading [p.487-488]:
“falsehoods about Young. Something had to be done, and he decided (Jackson), to make certain that black Atlantans understood the necessity for a Young victory.”
In his most heavy-handed, racially inflammatory speech as mayor… Maynard Jr. told a predominantly black audience at the Butler Street YMCA… that any black supporting Marcus was a victim of self-hatred. He likened their condition to that of the freed slaves who , following the issuance of Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation, asked to be returned to their masters.
“We are beginning to see shuffling and grinning around the camp of our opponent by a few of our [black former] allies in the struggle,”…”These surfacing Negro voices we are hearing from our own community are the voices of the new selfishites… which are rooted in a shameful part of American history that has forced some Afro-Americans into the corner of racism [which] creates an anger and self-hatred that are awesome in their destructive power.”
Carrying 89% of the black vote, Young would win the run-off (Marcus would carry 90% of the white vote). Jackson’s speech had the effect of galvanizing the black community to use their numeric majority and vote in their candidate (p. 489):
For one more time as mayor, Maynard Jr. had played the aggressor’s role, and at considerable personal risk. He cared deeply about preserving the political power of Atlanta’s black elite. Had Andy Young been defeated in the ruoff, “it would have said that the black community had not learned anything about politics,” recalls Michael Lomax, the Jackson protégé and Fulton County commissioner, “ and that wasn’t the case. This was a very sophisticated black community.”
Puts the whole Black Leadership Forum “memo” from 2009 into perspective, doesn’t it?
At some point, black America must be told “no” instead of being constantly rewarded for their repeated failures in public office. Maynard Jackson was a horrible mayor for Atlanta, though he did enrich his black allies as the mayor of black Atlanta. The same can be said of any black mayor, black congressman, or, yes, black president.
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| A reminder: "The worse the better" is wrong |
One day, the tragic truth of Ivan Allen III will be told; but it is not my place to tell this story. It is my place to tell you that the son of the man who was tasked with handing over power of the City of Atlanta to a half-century of black rule never basked in the glorious DWL light this act would have garnered him.
He never even wanted to talk about.
Perhaps he knew that whites would become acclimated to black political control, the leadership caste satiated with this scenario as long as their investments weren’t harmed in the process. Meanwhile, the black leadership caste understood the importance of winning elections: to ensure that racial socialism remained unimpeded.
“The worse the better” --- no. We have already watched as our major cities have become the breeding ground for crime and corruption; though black people have destroyed property value in places like Detroit, Birmingham, St. Louis, Baltimore, Gary, Rochester, Memphis, and Atlanta, it is unsafe for white people to dare venture into these area – purchasing cheap property in the process - knowing that their children would be minorities in public schools that are nothing more than daycares for the black kids.
It’s time white people tell black people “no” --- that’s what a Mitt Romney victory on November 6 means. It has to start somewhere; why not with the repudiation of the first black President of the United States?
After all, "the worse the better" didn't work, even with the sacrifice of Detroit, Birmingham, and Memphis. Even with South Africa and Rhodesia.
After all, "the worse the better" didn't work, even with the sacrifice of Detroit, Birmingham, and Memphis. Even with South Africa and Rhodesia.
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